Read the passage below for question 85 - 87! More than a century after the death of Raden Ajeng Kartini—the national heroine for women’s rights —the old adage that a woman’s place is in the home appears to be no longer valid. At least, this seems to be true for the majority of the educated youth in urban Indonesia. In the past decades, development and social change in Indonesia have facilitated profound changes in women’s work participation and, accordingly, in societal attitudes to gender roles in marriage. If we go by the national statistics of 2010, about 70 per cent of tertiary-educated urban women aged 25–29 nominated work as their primary activity. Other socio-demographic indicators reinforce the story of women’s changing position in society and in the family. Fertility rates are declining, age at first marriage is increasing, and the gender gap in school participation has disappeared. Data from the 2010 Population Census indicate that in the 25–29 age groups, there were 76 tertiary-educated men for every 100 tertiary-educated women. This is in stark contrast to the experience of the previous generation. In the same census year, the sex ratio of the tertiary-educated population aged 50–54 was 176 men for every 100 women. While the outlook on achieving gender parity in education is thus rather rosy, it turns out that, for both educated young men and women, male breadwinner ideals continue to dominate attitudes towards gender roles in marriage. Global evidence suggests that despite equalizing male–female educational attainment, women continue to earn less than men, to be more likely to work in occupations characterized by lower wages and to exhibit lower levels of labor force attachment. Studies further show that young men and women of similar educational attainment and qualification have substantially different employment intentions and career expectations even before they enter the labor market. This trend is consistent with the findings that included a survey of 1761 later-year students enrolled in seven universities in Jakarta and five universities in Makassar back in 2004. This was the year when the first female leader of Indonesia, Megawati Sukarnoputri, was an incumbent during the country’s first direct presidential election. To begin with, occupational goals of the students surveyed reflected gender segregation by fields of study, which is typically found across universities in Indonesia. While commerce is typically gender-neutral in its student sex ratio, engineering is reputedly male-dominated and faculties like education, psychology and literature are likely to be female-dominated. Within faculties, gender segregation was also evident across study majors. For example, in the faculty of engineering at one of the universities surveyed, mechanical engineering was male-denominated, chemical engineering had notably more women and architecture seemed to be equally popular for male and female students. Yet, even among young men and women studying in similar programs, gender differences in labor market expectations were evident. On average, the female students anticipated lower wages, expected to experience more frequent and longer career interruption and a shorter overall time in the labor force than their male counterparts studying in the same faculty. Female students were also more likely to highly value compensating, or non-financial job attributes than male students, including having a pleasant and family-friendly work environment. These gender dimensions of university education are important to consider when we try to interpret national statistics showing gender parity in education. When young men and women graduate from university, not only are they equipped with different sets of skills, they also bring with them different ideas, expectations and ambitions regarding their future career. These gendered skills and labor market expectations foretell consequent patterns in occupational segregation, the gender wage gap and women’s underrepresentation at senior employment levels. Sumber: (http://www.insideindonesia.org/a-woman-s-place-3) The word occupational in paragraph 5 has the closest meaning with….

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Read the passage below for question 85 - 87!

More than a century after the death of Raden Ajeng Kartini—the national heroine for women’s rights —the old adage that a woman’s place is in the home appears to be no longer valid. At least, this seems to be true for the majority of the educated youth in urban Indonesia.

In the past decades, development and social change in Indonesia have facilitated profound changes in women’s work participation and, accordingly, in societal attitudes to gender roles in marriage. If we go by the national statistics of 2010, about 70 per cent of tertiary-educated urban women aged 25–29 nominated work as their primary activity. Other socio-demographic indicators reinforce the story of women’s changing position in society and in the family. Fertility rates are declining, age at first marriage is increasing, and the gender gap in school participation has disappeared.

Data from the 2010 Population Census indicate that in the 25–29 age groups, there were 76 tertiary-educated men for every 100 tertiary-educated women. This is in stark contrast to the experience of the previous generation. In the same census year, the sex ratio of the tertiary-educated population aged 50–54 was 176 men for every 100 women. While the outlook on achieving gender parity in education is thus rather rosy, it turns out that, for both educated young men and women, male breadwinner ideals continue to dominate attitudes towards gender roles in marriage.

Global evidence suggests that despite equalizing male–female educational attainment, women continue to earn less than men, to be more likely to work in occupations characterized by lower wages and to exhibit lower levels of labor force attachment. Studies further show that young men and women of similar educational attainment and qualification have substantially different employment intentions and career expectations even before they enter the labor market. This trend is consistent with the findings that included a survey of 1761 later-year students enrolled in seven universities in Jakarta and five universities in Makassar back in 2004. This was the year when the first female leader of Indonesia, Megawati Sukarnoputri, was an incumbent during the country’s first direct presidential election.

To begin with, occupational goals of the students surveyed reflected gender segregation by fields of study, which is typically found across universities in Indonesia. While commerce is typically gender-neutral in its student sex ratio, engineering is reputedly male-dominated and faculties like education, psychology and literature are likely to be female-dominated. Within faculties, gender segregation was also evident across study majors. For example, in the faculty of engineering at one of the universities surveyed, mechanical engineering was male-denominated, chemical engineering had notably more women and architecture seemed to be equally popular for male and female students.

Yet, even among young men and women studying in similar programs, gender differences in labor market expectations were evident. On average, the female students anticipated lower wages, expected to experience more frequent and longer career interruption and a shorter overall time in the labor force than their male counterparts studying in the same faculty. Female students were also more likely to highly value compensating, or non-financial job attributes than male students, including having a pleasant and family-friendly work environment.

These gender dimensions of university education are important to consider when we try to interpret national statistics showing gender parity in education. When young men and women graduate from university, not only are they equipped with different sets of skills, they also bring with them different ideas, expectations and ambitions regarding their future career. These gendered skills and labor market expectations foretell consequent patterns in occupational segregation, the gender wage gap and women’s underrepresentation at senior employment levels.

Sumber: (http://www.insideindonesia.org/a-woman-s-place-3)

The word occupational in paragraph 5 has the closest meaning with….

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